Lincoln in the Telegraph Office on April 14, 1865

[wpbinzel]

The July 2016 issue of The Surratt Courier featured an article that I wrote, which I understand has raised a few eyebrows. Because not all are members of the Surratt Society (and I encourage you to join: http://www.surrattmuseum.org/surratt-society ), I have been asked to post the article on this Forum for discussion and comments. I have been granted permission by the Surratt Society to do so.

(Reprinted from The Surratt Courier, July 2016, with permission)

LINCOLN IN THE TELEGRAPH OFFICE ON APRIL 14, 1865
by William P. Binzel

Most readers of The Surratt Courier have likely read David Homer Bates’s account of the events of April 14, 1865 in the War Department Telegraph Office in multiple books and articles. Bates was a teenager when he came to work at the War Department, and in 1865, at age 22, he was the manager of the War Department Telegraph Office and Cipher Operator. Forty-two years later, he published Lincoln in the Telegraph Office in serial form in The Century Magazine, and then as a book. In Bates’s recollection of what occurred on the day Lincoln was assassinated – which first appeared in print in the September 1907 issue – there was a new revelation: because General Grant had declined, President Lincoln wanted the powerfully-built Major Thomas T. Eckert, Chief of the United States Military Telegraph Corps, to accompany him that evening to Ford’s Theater, and Eckert’s boss, Secretary of War Edwin M. Stanton, said no. According to Bates:

On the morning of April 14, when Lincoln made his usual visit to the War Department, he told Stanton that Grant had canceled his acceptance of the theater invitation. The Secretary again urged the President not to go and, when he could not persuade him, told him he ought to have a suitable guard. Lincoln said, “Stanton, do you know that Eckert can break a poker over his arm?” The Secretary not knowing what was coming looked around in surprise and answered, “No. Why do you ask such a question?” “Well,” Lincoln said, “I have seen Eckert break five pokers one after another over his arm and I have been thinking that he would be the kind of man to go with us to the theater to-night. May I take him?”

Stanton, still unwilling to encourage the theater project said that he had some special work for Eckert that evening and could not spare him. Lincoln then said, “Well, I will ask the Major myself, and he can do your work to-morrow.” He then came into the telegraph office, told Eckert of his plans for the evening and that he wanted him to be one of the party, but that Stanton said he had some work that must be attended to. “Now Major,” he added, “come along, you can do that work to-morrow, and we want you with us.”

Eckert, taking his cue from Stanton’s attitude, told the President that it would not be possible for him to accept, because of an appointment that could not be broken.

“Very well,” Lincoln then said, “I shall have to ask Major Rathbone to go with us, because Stanton insists upon having some one to guard me, but I would rather have you, Major, since I know you can break a poker over your arm.”

It is idle to conjecture what might have been the result if our alert and vigorous chief had accompanied the President to Ford’s Theater that night. Had he done so the probabilities are, in view of Eckert’s previous knowledge of the plot to kidnap or kill the President, that Booth might have been prevented from firing the fatal shot and Lincoln spared to finish his great work. (1)

Bates’s admonition against idle conjecture was not heeded by Otto Eisenschiml. In 1937, he used Bates’s recollection as the cornerstone to build his “case against Stanton.” (2) He stated that neither Stanton or Eckert were – or even planned to be – in the War Department offices that evening. In fact, because it was Good Friday, Secretary Stanton released all War Department employees who wished to leave at 10 a.m. for the remainder of the day in order to allow them to attend religious services. (3) Apparently, Eckert’s plans for the evening were nothing more exciting than a shave. (4) From that, Eisenschiml leads the reader to the conclusion that Stanton’s motivation was to knowingly and intentionally refuse to provide protection for the President. Why? Because, according to Eisenschiml: “There was one man who profited greatly by Lincoln’s death; this man was his Secretary of War, Edwin M. Stanton.” (5)

Eisenschiml’s notions enjoyed a forty year run, but have now been thoroughly debunked, most notably by William Hanchett. (6) Hanchett points out that Bates admired Stanton and would likely have been pained that his recollection was used to promote a theory that his erstwhile employer contributed to Lincoln’s death, much less that he led the plot. Bates believed that Stanton’s efforts were fueled not by a desire to leave Lincoln defenseless, but rather to discourage the President from needlessly exposing himself to danger. (7) Although mischaracterizing Bates’s recollection as a “charge,” to his credit Eisenschiml at least questioned the veracity of Bates’s account: “David Homer Bates’[s] charge that Stanton and Eckert brusquely refused Lincoln’s request to give him the protection he desired for the evening of April 14 is so serious that a confirmation of his story from other sources would be desirable. Unfortunately, no corroborating witnesses have been found, and it is improbable that any existed. Bates did not publish his account until 1907 — forty-two years after the event. Is it possible the incident never happened, and was only a product of an elderly man’s imagination?” (8) Indeed. For more than one hundred years now, Bates’s recollection has been widely incorporated into writings about the day’s events leading to Lincoln’s assassination. But is it true?

That Stanton worried about Lincoln’s safety is well documented. Two weeks earlier, Lincoln travelled to City Point, Virginia to meet with General Grant. On April 2, 1865, Lincoln sent a telegram to Stanton saying that he (Lincoln) planned to visit Grant at the front in Petersburg. Stanton telegraphed him back and urged him not to go, saying in part: "Consider whether you ought to expose the Nation to the consequence of any disaster to yourself in the pursuit of a treacherous and dangerous enemy like the rebel army." (9) Lincoln did not receive the telegram until after he returned from visiting Grant on April 3. He replied to Stanton: "Yours received. Thanks for your caution; but I have already been to Petersburg, staid with Gen. Grant an hour & a half and returned here. It is certain now that Richmond is in our hands, and I think I will go there to-morrow. I will take care of myself." (10) As such, Bates’s recollection is out of character for both men. Stanton was constantly advocating for Lincoln’s personal safety and, failing in his effort to discourage him from attending the theater, it would seem highly unlikely that the Secretary would refuse any measure requested by the President for his protection. Likewise, “Mr. Lincoln at all times manifested a total indifference to danger to his person.” (11) If Bates’s account is true, it would seem that it was the one and only time that Lincoln made a request for protection, and to claim that he made it mere hours before he was shot, stretches one’s credibility.

Whether Lincoln even visited the War Department on the day of April 14 is in dispute. In testimony pertaining to the impeachment of Andrew Johnson three years later, Stanton had no recollection of Lincoln being in his office that day. (12) The only corroboration of a Lincoln visit comes from William H. Crook, a Lincoln bodyguard: “[L]ate on the afternoon of the 14th, I accompanied Mr. Lincoln on a hurried visit to the War Department. . . . By this time we were at the War Department and he went into his conference with Secretary Stanton. It was shorter than usual that evening. . . . He came out of the Secretary’s office in a short time.” (13) In his account, Bates does not acknowledge Crook’s presence in the War Department offices that day. That could be because Bates’s Lincoln-Stanton meeting occurred “on the morning of April 14”; Crook’s version of the meeting takes place late that afternoon. Both accounts were written in excess of forty years after the fact, and neither can be used to verify the other (as Eisenschiml tries to do). By the time that Bates published his recollection of Lincoln’s request for Eckert’s company, of the other possible witnesses, two (Lincoln and Stanton) were dead; Crook made no mention of it; and Eckert, while still alive, was 82 years-old in 1907. Throughout his life, Eckert never referenced having had an opportunity to have saved Lincoln from his assassin. He died in 1910 at age 85.

There is an additional potential witness who provided details of the operations and meetings in the War Department in April 1865. Charles A. Dana was the Assistant Secretary of War from 1863 to July 1865 (and was succeeded in that position by Eckert). He published his Recollections of the Civil War in 1898. Dana recounts a trip he made to the White House to see Lincoln on the afternoon of April 14, but makes no mention of Lincoln’s presence at the War Department that day or of any request for Eckert to accompany the President to Ford’s Theater that evening. (14)

Grant’s account of that day is inconsistent with Bates’ recollection. Grant states that:

[W]e were invited by the President and Mrs. Lincoln to accompany them to the theater on the evening of that day. I replied to the President’s verbal invitation to the effect, that if we were in the city we would take great pleasure in accompanying them; but that I was very anxious to get away and visit my children, and if I could get through my work during the day I should do so. I did get through and started by the evening train on the 14th, sending Mr. Lincoln word, of course, that I would not be at the theater. (15)

Accordingly, Lincoln’s proposition to Grant was an in-person “verbal” invitation for “the evening of that day,” which implies that the invitation was issued on April 14. (16) Grant accepted with an opt-out. Lincoln and Grant’s last face-to-face meeting was at a Cabinet meeting, which began at 11:00 a.m. (17) Given the subjects discussed, the meeting likely lasted at least an hour, perhaps as long as two. (18) It was sometime after the pair parted in the early afternoon that Grant sent “word” to the President declining the invitation. Consequently, Lincoln would not have known “on the morning of April 14,” as reported by Bates, that Grant would not be accompanying him that evening to Ford’s Theater.

After Grant backed out of attending the performance of Our American Cousin, Lincoln was, by several accounts, less than enthusiastic about attending the theater that evening. In all likelihood, he cared even less about whether he and his wife were accompanied by another couple. For Mary Todd Lincoln, however, it would have been a “social embarrassment” if they arrived at the theater alone. (19) According to one website, before Major Henry Rathbone and his fiancée (and step-sister) Clara Harris were invited, fifteen people declined the Lincolns’ invitation. (20) While the President and Major Rathbone were acquainted, it is doubtful that their relationship was such that Lincoln himself would have invited the couple. It is far more likely that the invitation originated from Mary to her “dear friend” Clara. (21) That the invitation did not arrive “until approximately six o’clock [p.m.] on April 14, 1865,” is evidence of a very late effort to recruit them. (22)

If Bates’s account is to be believed, immediately after the muscular Eckert turned down Lincoln’s invitation, the President’s first thought was “I shall have to ask Major Rathbone to go with us.” It has never been explained why Rathbone was at the top of Lincoln’s mind. At five-foot-ten, the 28 year-old Rathbone was taller than average, but “slender with a quiet demeanor,” so it wasn’t because Rathbone was as physically imposing as Eckert. (23) Clara Harris may have been a last-chance-date for Mary Lincoln, but there is no reason to believe that her husband viewed Henry in the same way. Absent any other evidence or context, having been spurned by Eckert, it is highly unlikely that the President’s immediate default on the morning of April 14 was Major Henry Rathbone. The delayed and very late last-minute invitation supports that as well. It also must be noted that all those who may have been invited by the Lincolns were invited as guests, and not as guards.

David Homer Bates appears to have been capable in the performance of his duties with the U.S. Military Telegraph Corps, but had he not written Lincoln in the Telegraph Office, it is unlikely that history would remember him. While his book provides some interesting insight into the Civil War and the workings of the War Department and the Telegraph Office, its import and most noted and widely cited sections are the five paragraphs at the beginning of this article. Although hijacked by Otto Eisenschiml and used for a purpose that would have been abhorrent to Bates, Eisenschiml’s finding of supposed corroboration of Lincoln’s presence in the War Department that day cannot (like most of Eisenschiml’s writings) be viewed as being credible. That Bates’s version of the conduct and comments were out of character, of questionable content and context, and much too convenient for that moment in time, make it highly suspect. Other than Bates’s naked assertion forty-two years after the fact, there is nothing to support a belief that his account of the events of April 14, 1865 ever happened. For too long, it has been a repetitious cycle of “when the legend becomes fact, print the legend.” It may be time to retire this legend as a myth.
________________________

(1) David Homer Bates, “Lincoln’s Last Days (Lincoln in the Telegraph Office),” The Century Magazine, September 1907, Vol. 74, No. 5, p. 776.

(2) Otto Eisenschiml, Why Was Lincoln Murdered? (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1937), p. 396.

(3) Louis J. Weichmann, A True History of the Assassination of Abraham Lincoln and of the Conspiracy of 1865, ed. Floyd E. Risvold (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1975), pp. 163-4.

(4) Eisenschiml, Why Was Lincoln Murdered?, p. 38.

(5) Ibid., p. 396.

(6) William Hanchett, The Lincoln Murder Conspiracies (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1983).

(7) Ibid., pp. 171-2.

(8) Eisenschiml, Why Was Lincoln Murdered?, pp. 38-9.

(9) Bates, “Lincoln’s Last Days,” p. 768.

(10) Roy P. Basler, ed., The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1953), Vol. 8, p. 385.

(11) Ward Hill Lamon, The Life of Abraham Lincoln as President, ed. Bob O’Connor (West Conshohocken, PA: Mount Clair Press, 2010), p. 422.

(12) Eisenschiml, Why Was Lincoln Murdered?, p. 34.

(13) Margarita Spalding Gerry, ed., Through Five Administrations: Reminiscences of Colonel William H. Crook (New York: Harper & Brothers Publishers, 1910), pp. 65-7.

(14) Charles A. Dana, Recollections of the Civil War (New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1898), pp. 273-4.
In addition to Dana, a survey of some other works written before 1907 that recount the events of April 14, 1865, did not reveal any evidence or indication of Lincoln visiting the War Department that day. For example, see: J. G. Holland, The Life of Abraham Lincoln (Springfield, MA: Gurdon Bill, 1866), pp. 517-9; Joseph H. Barrett, Life of Abraham Lincoln (New York: Loomis National Library Association, 1888), pp. 790-3; John G. Nicolay and John Hay, “Abraham Lincoln: A History,” The Century Magazine, January 1890, Vol. 39, No. 3, pp. 429-34; George C. Gorham, Life and Public Services of Edwin M. Stanton (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 1899), Vol. 2, pp. 168-9; Frank Abial Flower, Edwin McMasters Stanton (Akron: The Saalfield Publishing Company, 1905), p. 276-8. The failure of more contemporaneous writings to mention it certainly does not conclusively prove that Lincoln did not make the trip across the White House lawn to the War Department on the morning of his assassination; but no source in the admittedly limited survey supports Bates’ account.

(15) Ulysses S. Grant, Personal Memoirs of U. S. Grant (New York: Charles L. Webster & Company, 1886), Vol. 2, p. 508.

(16) Julia Grant’s memoirs support an April 14 invitation as well. According to Mrs. Grant, a messenger arrived from Mrs. Lincoln “about midday” on the 14th with the invitation. Mrs. Grant declined the invitation, and then sent a note and three staff officers “to urge the General to go home [to Burlington, New Jersey] that night.” Julia Dent Grant, The Personal Memoirs of Julia Dent Grant, ed. John Y. Simon (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1975) p. 155. Consequently, whether the President’s invitation was extended at the cabinet meeting, or during “a short drive with General Grant” earlier that morning (see: Francis Fisher Browne, The Every-Day Life of Abraham Lincoln (Chicago: Browne & Howell Company, 1913), p. 583), it was not declined until sometime after noon.

(17) Basler, Collected Works, Vol. 8, p. 411.

(18) For an account of Lincoln’s last Cabinet meeting, see: Nicolay and Hay, “Abraham Lincoln: A Life,” pp. 430-1; and Gideon Wells, Diary of Gideon Wells, ed. Howard K. Beale (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, Inc., 1960), Vol. 2, pp. 280-3.

(19) Caleb Jenner Stephens, Worst Seat in the House (Fredericksburg, VA: Willow Manor Publishing, 2014), p. 66.

(20) http://rogerjnorton.com/Lincoln43.html

(21) Stephens, Worst Seat in the House, p. 62.

(22) Ibid., p. 63.

(23) Ibid., p. 76.

[RJNorton]

Bill, I agree that we must seriously question Bates' account. From your post:

"Very well,” Lincoln then said, “I shall have to ask Major Rathbone to go with us, because Stanton insists upon having some one to guard me, but I would rather have you, Major, since I know you can break a poker over your arm."

and

"It is far more likely that the invitation originated from Mary to her “dear friend” Clara."

Everything I have read over the years makes me believe the invitation came from Mary, and Lincoln would not have said he would ask Henry Rathbone on the morning of the 14th.

This statement alone throws doubt in my mind regarding Bates' story.

Bill, you say Lincoln and Rathbone were acquainted. I did not even realize they had previously met. Do you know when/where this took place? I think I have read that Clara Harris had previously gone to the theater with the Lincolns, but I do not recall reading that Henry Rathbone was with the group. I know Clara was at the White House on the night of April 11th, but I don't think Henry was with her.

[wpbinzel]

(08-16-2016 04:23 AM)RJNorton Wrote:  Bill, you say Lincoln and Rathbone were acquainted. I did not even realize they had previously met. Do you know when/where this took place? I think I have read that Clara Harris had previously gone to the theater with the Lincolns, but I do not recall reading that Henry Rathbone was with the group. I know Clara was at the White House on the night of April 11th, but I don't think Henry was with her.

Roger, Henry's stepfather, Ira Harris, succeeded William Seward in the U.S. Senate and according to Mary Todd Lincoln, was "an intimate friend, of my beloved husband, in Washington . . . always a welcome guest at the Executive Mansion." (Mark E. Neely, Jr., The Abraham Lincoln Encyclopedia (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1982), p. 256.) Neely also cites Clara as being Mary's "dear friend," so it seems likely that the Lincolns knew Henry as well. Caleb Stephens, in Worst Seat in the House supports that and describes "a special assignment" given to Henry by President Lincoln to recruit Confederate prisoners of war into the Union Army in September 1864 (see pp. 60-1). I have seen other references that Henry and Lincoln were acquainted, but I have not found anything to support or explain Bates's recollection that Rathbone was at the top of Lincoln's mind on the morning of April 14, 1865.

[RJNorton]

Thanks, Bill. I cannot tell you how many books I own that contain Bates' account. I never thought to question it before your perspicacious article. Kudos on a job well done!

[SSlater]

If you are tired of reading about "The Telegraph Office", skip this posting. I wrote this years ago for the Courier, but just found my copy, including the cites. It's different from the others, but I think Sine qua mon.

"The Mystery of April 14, 1865 - Lincoln Stanton Eckert"

Anyone who has ever taken a minute to dwell on the events that took place in the War Department on the afternoon of April 14, 1865. might think that maybe there would not have been an assassination if Edwin M. Stanton, the Secretary of War, had honored President Abraham Lincoln's request to have Major Thomas T. Eckert assigned to be his bodyguard at Ford's Theater later that evening. Or, is it true, as many have assumed, that Stanton was playing a major part in the plot to assassinate Lincoln?

If we, as we have in the past, considered only the action that took place in the War Department that afternoon, we are not going to solve this mystery, because "we are not playing with a full deck".
Lets bring into consideration what was happening elsewhere in the nation that day, to determine if that might have had an influence on Stanton's decision.

First, it is necessary to have a good understanding of the particular relationship that existed between Lincoln and Stanton. These two unique individuals,, who led the Union to victory in the recent fighting. How well did the work with one another?

Lincoln thought he was "Boss". Stanton would agree with that when it suited his agenda. As an example of "Who was the Boss?" we need to review an episode that occurred just after the fall of Richmond. Lincoln had met with Confederate Judge John Campbell and they agreed that the Virginia legislature should reconvene in order to withdraw Virginia troops from the war. Stanton opposed this because he felt that the Legislature might gain official status, if such action was allowed. Stanton then gave orders to disobey Lincoln's instructions, and subsequently convinced Lincoln to withdraw his approval. 1 Wow! What gall! You countermand your superior, behind his back and then convince him to change his mind. This gives a good indication of the strength that Stanton had.

Now we are about to review another situation where Stanton acted in opposition to a ruling by Lincoln. This time he was more devious and hid his activity from Lincoln. [b]He overruled the President, when he wasn't paying attention.

Now, a look at the mystery of April 14, 1865.

Late in the afternoon of April 14, Lincoln made the request to Stanton to assign Major Thomas T. Eckert, Chief of the Military Telegraph Office, who was an employee of the War Department, to accompany him to the theater. Surprisingly, refused the request, saying that "he had important work for Eckert that evening and could not spare him." 2

In looking back to that day, to see what Stanton and Eckert accomplished that evening, that might have been so important, we find they essentially, each went to their respective home and expected a quiet evening with his family and an early retirement.3
What could have been on Stanton's mind that took precedence over a request from the President of the United States, for a body guard.?
This apparent foolish act has resulted in Stanton being called a liar and it labeled him as a possible conspirator in the assassination. Accusations that have continued for 145 years.

The Author of "Lincoln and Booth - More Light On the Conspiracy"< H. Donald Winkler, lists 8 secrets and unanswered questions, on page 303, that remained unanswered when Stanton died, and this is listed as number one. On page 84, he emphasizes this raking with the statement that this is the greatest mystery of the Lincoln Assassination.

Can we solve this mystery? I think so.

Information is readily available, that earlier in the day, he War Department received a telegram from the Provost Marshal, in Portland, Maine, stating that the Honorable Jacob Thompson, the Confederate Commissioner in Canada, was expected to be in Portland that day. "What should they do if they confront him?" 4 That was a vert cogent question. Bear in mind that the "war climate" was changing rapidly. It had been only 5 days since the surrender at Appomattox. Was the war over? What are the rules now?

Today, we are aware that the war was not over. In fact, General Sherman was at that time pursuing General Joseph E. Johnson north, toward Durham Station,5 therefore additional fighting would certainly ensue. Should Thompson be considered "to be still an enemy?" From this position of doubt, the Provost Marshal asked Washington to issue orders for the specific action to be taken.

When Stanton first got that telegram, he made up his mind immediately,"Arrest Him!". Then , in compliance with established protocol, he handed the message to Charles A. Dana, Assistant Secretary of War, for him to read and to bring it to the attention of the President. As Lincoln was reading the wire he asked Dana , "What does Stanton say?" Dana answered without hesitation - "Arrest him!". To that Lincoln said "No, I think not, when you have an elephant by the hind leg, and he is trying to run away, it's best to let him run."6

When Dana returned to the War Department, to report Lincoln's decision to Stanton, Stanton was indignant. He did not want Thompson to go free. He reasoned that he had a high ranking Confederate Official, who they had been trying to capture for many years, readily available for a Treason Trial. Why let him go? Somehow, he had to connive a way to keep Thompson in jail, absolutely contrary to Lincoln's wishes. Stanton directed Dana not to send anything to Portland.

To accomplish this ploy, Stanton needed to keep his plan a secret from Lincoln, he needed the cooperation of both Dana and Eckert.
(emphasis added for this presentation) Stanton confidently believed that the Provost Marshal would arrest Thompson and hold him under lock and key, until they got the orders that they had requested. However, nothing could be done until Lincoln left the War Department building.

As Lincoln was leaving that day, he made one more try to engage Eckert, by making a direct request by asking him to accompany him to the theater. By that time Eckert has his orders from Stanton, and expected to work after hours for Stanton. H didn't know what he would be doing, but he had to remain available to his boss, Stanton. His reply to Lincoln "I have important work to do for Stanton that can not wait until later. Lincoln grudgingly acceded>

After Lincoln's departure, Stanton started work on his project to keep Thompson in jail, by issuing his order to the Provost Marshal
"Arrest Thompson". It was then that he learned, in the absence of any orders at all, Thompson had been released and had wisely scrambled back to Montreal.

Stanton then realized that his plan, to arrest Thompson, was dead-
overcome by events and delay. There was no possibility for incarcerating Thompson on that evening. Dejectedly, he released Eckert from his orders to remain in the office. At this point, it as much to late to authorize Eckert to accompany Lincoln and we know that John F. Parker got the assignment to protect the President for the evening.

The Mystery is solved, Stanton did not lie, nor was he doing "his part" in a conspiracy. To accomplish his own selfish plan, to trap an enemy of the Union, he had to use Eckert to operate the telegraph, but he couldn't tell the President.

The attempt To incarcerate Thompson did not end here.

The assassination disrupted that planned "quiet evening at home". Instead they were kept busy until the wee hours of Saturday morning, when Stanton remembered his plan for Thompson. At 4:40AM , Stanton finally fired a message to the Provost Marshal- "arrest Jacob Thompson ... who is either in Portland, or on his way" by order of the Secretary of War (signed by Dana). That was not enough, another message was sent "Do not fail to catch Thompson, if he comes across the line, Signed by Stanton. No time of transmission is shown.

In summary: Stanton rationalized that the opportunity "was to good to be true", he would arrest Thompson,, regardless of what his orders were. He kept the entire effort secret from Lincoln, from History, even from Eckert,

------------------------
1 Turner, Thomas Reed, "Beware the People Weeping" etc. Pg 6.
2 Bishop, Jim, "The day Lincoln was shot" etc Pgs 161,, ,162
3 Ibid Pg 224
4 Steers, Edward Jr. "Blood on the Moon" etc. Pg 100
5 Gallman, J. Mathew "The Civil War Chronical" etc. Pg526
6 Bishop, Jim, etc "Pg 158
7 Ibid Pg 224
8 Winkler, H. Donald "Lincoln-Booth More on the Conspiracy" etc.
Pg 84
9 U.S. War Dept. "The War of the rebellion: A compilation of the
Official records etc. Series 2, Vol 8, pg 493.

Comment: if Eckert, Dana, and any others who worked at he War Dept., knew of Stanton's skullduggery, they kept their mouth shut'
maybe to keep from being suspected of being part of an assassination plot. Let's face it NO ONE TALKED.

[Gene C]

Great info John.
And appreciate the references.

Question. Do you think Lincoln really wanted Eckert for a body guard, or was he just teasing Stanton?

[SSlater]

Gene. I have to ask the same question. (Did he think someone was going to come after him with a Poker?) This is the only mention, that I know of, where Lincoln was concerned with a good defense. (What criteria did they use when they picked Parker?) I think Lincoln was concerned with "Happy People" crowding around his party. If Grant was there it would have been worse.- more people looking for a hand-shake, or to deliver a pat on the back. I don't think he was afraid to go.
Maybe Mary wanted the protection. She was vey jealous of people touching Abe. Who knows, maybe some doll might have kissed Abe.

[RJNorton]

(08-22-2016 07:47 PM)SSlater Wrote:  This is the only mention, that I know of, where Lincoln was concerned with a good defense. (What criteria did they use when they picked Parker

You are right on, John. In fact Ward Hill Lamon became very upset with Lincoln's lackadaisical attitude regarding his own safety. On December 10, 1864, Lamon wrote Lincoln the following letter:

I regret that you do not appreciate what I have repeatedly said to you in regard to the proper police arrangements connected with your household and your own personal safety. You are in danger. I have nothing to ask, and I flatter myself that you will at least believe that I am honest. If, however, you have been impressed differently, do me and the country the justice to dispose at once of all suspected officers, and accept my resignation of the marshalship, which is hereby tendered. I will give you further reasons which have impelled me to this course. To-night, as you have done on several previous occasions, you went unattended to the theatre. When I say unattended, I mean that you went alone with Charles Sumner and a foreign minister, neither of whom could defend himself against an assault from any able-bodied woman in this city. And you know, or ought to know, that your life is sought after, and will be taken unless you and your friends are cautious for you have many enemies within our lines. You certainly know that I have provided men at your mansion to perform all necessary police duty, and I am always ready myself to perform any duty that will properly conduce to your interest or your safety.
God knows that I am unselfish in this matter; and I do think that I have played low comedy long enough, and at my time of life I think I ought at least to attempt to play star engagements.

I am not sure of the criteria used to pick the White House security detail, but I have read a statement by a man who knew one of the other White House police officers (William H. Crook). This person described Crook as an "intrinsically stupid man." Parker was Lincoln's guard that night simply due to the time Lincoln was to be gone from the White House. Parker's shift began at 4:00 P.M. He showed up late but still in time to be at Ford's with the Presidential party.

[L Verge]

I think we need to remember that the MPD officers assigned to the White House (as well as much of the force) were men who had not entered military service for a variety of reasons. Many of them were not "quality" candidates for heavy duty as bodyguards.

I have wondered if Lincoln asked Lamon because of their long-standing friendship and because he wanted to share some of the festivities of the war's endings with those who had supported him throughout the course. The broken poker analogy might have just been a facetious statement at that moment in time, which the ever-cautious Stanton took seriously (if the situation even occurred)???

[SSlater]

(08-23-2016 08:25 AM)L Verge Wrote:  I think we need to remember that the MPD officers assigned to the White House (as well as much of the force) were men who had not entered military service for a variety of reasons. Many of them were not "quality" candidates for heavy duty as bodyguards.

I have wondered if Lincoln asked Lamon because of their long-standing friendship and because he wanted to share some of the festivities of the war's endings with those who had supported him throughout the course. The broken poker analogy might have just been a facetious statement at that moment in time, which the ever-cautious Stanton took seriously (if the situation even occurred)???

With this description of Lincoln's police "Protection", why was Booth so worried about shooting Lincoln? It seems that at the sound of a gun going off - the "protection" would run and hide. In fact, when the gun did off, it was a soldier that that jumped up to fight. The cops were in a bar - where it was safe.

[RJNorton]

(08-23-2016 08:25 AM)L Verge Wrote:  I think we need to remember that the MPD officers assigned to the White House (as well as much of the force) were men who had not entered military service for a variety of reasons. Many of them were not "quality" candidates for heavy duty as bodyguards.

Very true, Laurie. Mr. James O. Hall writes:

"Parker's spotty record was not unique. Several personnel files for this period were examined, including those for four officers who served on the White House detail in 1864-1865. These are replete with such allegations as: mistreating prisoners, violent language to citizens, intoxication on duty, brawling in the station, refusal to assist other officers, discharging firearms in a public place, and the like. The Metropolitan Police took what men it could get in wartime and did the best it could to maintain some semblance of discipline."

(08-23-2016 08:25 AM)L Verge Wrote:  The broken poker analogy might have just been a facetious statement at that moment in time, which the ever-cautious Stanton took seriously (if the situation even occurred)???

As far as I know David Homer Bates' reminiscences about Eckert's ability to break pokers are the only ones. And Bill Binzel's research casts doubt on the veracity of Bates' words.

Has anyone ever seen the "pokers' story" where it was reported by someone other than Bates?

[Anita]

I first read Bill's article in the Surratt Courier and recently saw the discussion here. Bill, thanks for an informative well researched article. I did some searching to try and corroborate the Bates story and only found more reasons to doubt its credibility.

For example, in "Lincoln Stories" Bates
https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=u...;size=150,
the companion book of "Lincoln in the Telegraph Office",
is the following:

"The last story told in the telegraph office, vouched for by Cipher-Operator Tinker is as follows: On April 14, 1865, the day Lincoln was shot, he came to the telegraph office while I was transmitting a cipher dispatch that was couched in very laconic terms. Lincoln read the dispatch and after taking in the meaning of the terse phrases he turned to me with his accustomed smile and said, 'Mr. Tinker, that reminds me of the old story of the Scotch lassie on her way to market with a basket of eggs for sale. She had just forded a small stream with her skirts well drawn up when a wagoner on the opposite side of the stream called out, "Good morning my lassie; how deep's the brook and what's the price of eggs? She answered, "Knee deep and a sixpence."' "Mr. Lincoln, still with a smile, lifted his coattails in imitation of the maiden and crossed into Mr. Stanton's room adjoining. That was the last time I saw Mr. Lincoln alive." p 64

Yet in "Lincoln in the Telegraph Office," he states the above took place on April 13, 1865.

In his "Lincoln Stories" he ends with "My war diary dated April 15, 1865, the day Lincoln died, contains the following entry. James 3:17" There is no mention of the Eckert bodyguard episode here or in his diary nor in Eckert's diary.

There is the following story, one of many that makes me believe if Lincoln thought that in anyway he would be in danger at Ford's Theater that fateful night, he never would have subjected Mary, family or guests to harms way without assurance of proper security. As mentioned by others in this thread, none of the guests Lincoln invited to the theater were intended to act as body guards.

"Distressing Mrs. Lincoln"

Once, not more than 60 days before his death, Lincoln came into the telegraph office with a picture of himself, which had been addressed to his wife and sent to her by mail. The sender had added to the picture a rope around the neck, then upward tautly drawn to indicate his hellish desire. Mr. Lincoln remarked that it had caused Mrs. Lincoln some anxiety, which he did not share, although he added some words of regret that any human being could be so devoid of feeling as thus to wound an innocent women. He said that he had received many communications of like import and had come to give them only a passing thought. " p.61 "Lincoln Stories" Bates.

Still, Bates had a successful career and I haven't found an example where his credibility was questioned. Also, what was to gain by making up such a story. In his own right through his position in the cipher office and the War Dept. had personal contacts with Lincoln and Eckert, Tinker and Chandler, and enough legitimate stories to interest the public. It's possible the story is a composite of bits and pieces of his recollection as an old man.

If it is assumed Eckert was too old to be aware of the Bates article telling the story of how
he, Eckert, refused to go with Lincoln to Ford's on April 14, I wonder why Eckert's family didn't never commented or denied the story.

As Bill stated, the Bates account should be moved to the myth column until more is revealed.

[RJNorton]

(09-14-2016 04:12 AM)Anita Wrote:  As Bill stated, the Bates account should be moved to the myth column until more is revealed.

I agree, Anita. For me, the claim that Lincoln said he was going to invite Rathbone (during the morning of the 14th) continues to be the most important deciding factor. I just don't think Lincoln had anything to do with inviting Clara Harris and Henry Rathbone.

[Eva Elisabeth]

(09-15-2016 04:58 AM)RJNorton Wrote:  

(09-14-2016 04:12 AM)Anita Wrote:  As Bill stated, the Bates account should be moved to the myth column until more is revealed.

I agree, Anita. For me, the claim that Lincoln said he was going to invite Rathbone (during the morning of the 14th) continues to be the most important deciding factor. I just don't think Lincoln had anything to do with inviting Clara Harris and Henry Rathbone.

I think so, too!

[Gene C]

Maybe Lincoln said "I'm going to the bathroom", and Bates thought he said, "I going to invite Rathbone" ??